I. Introduction
Women’s movements aim to raise the status of females who are discriminated against and who lack of opportunities in the public sphere as well as to accomplish equality between men and women. Blackburn defines the primary goals of the Indonesian women’s movement as lowering maternal mortality, promoting education for girls and women, and improving the access of women to information (2004, p.14). Overall, the Indonesian women’s movement devotes its interaction with the government to stressing the importance of improving women’s education, protecting their marriage and motherhood rights, opposing polygamy, reducing violence against women and their economic exploitation, and in general, making women fully citizens of the Indonesian republic. In this paper, I will examine the gender relation through women’s political participation in Indonesia and particularly in the parts of West Sumatra organized under a combination of matrilineal and patriarchal system.
II. History of women’s political involvement in Indonesia.
II. History of women’s political involvement in Indonesia.
a).Nationally
Symbolic of the early involvement of Indonesian women seeking their rights within the movement to end 350 years of Dutch colonialism is their participation in the first national women’s congress on December 22, 1928 (Robinson: 2004, p.187). In that congress, women’s organizations from different organizations and provinces gathered to express their demands for the right to elect and to be elected, inheritance law and married law reform, such as child married, divorce, and ending polygamy.
Indonesian women participated as fully in the national independence struggle as Indonesian men, serving as messengers, nurses, and cooks (Wieringa, 2002). However, after gaining independence, Indonesian government led by Soekarno, the first president, ignored the contributions that women made to Indonesian independence. The contribution of women in the nationalist movement was seen as appendage of what men had achieved. As Wieringa asserts; “The Indonesian national revolution was seen by the men who fought for it as victory of male soldiers and male politician” (2002, p.87). Under Soekarno, the Indonesian political system was dominated by men, as the state evolved through its Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1959) and Guided democracy (1959-1965) periods. After 1966, political activism by women disappeared, as the regime felt threatened by the perceived militancy of women’s organization such as Gerwani (McCormick, 2004, p.3; Wieringa, 2002).
b) West Sumatra
In West Sumatra, women took an early role in the movement against Dutch colonialism. Starting in the late nineteenth century, Minangkabau women assumed a prominent position as writers and teachers, especially when compared with other areas of Indonesia. The first female journalist in Indonesia, Roehanna Koeddoes (1884-1972), began in 1892 to share her knowledge and educate women in Talu, Pasaman West Sumatra (Fitriyanti, 2001). In 1911, she established an informal school for women known as ‘Kerajinan Amai Setia’ (KAS) in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra. This institution gave women new opportunities to gain skills and to became educated when almost 90% women in this area were then illiterate (ibid, p.xiv). Roehanna also founded a newspaper, Soenting Melajoe (Malay Ornament) in 1912. Roehanna managed this newspaper together with Zubaidah Ratna Juita. This newspaper ran for 9 years.
Symbolic of the early involvement of Indonesian women seeking their rights within the movement to end 350 years of Dutch colonialism is their participation in the first national women’s congress on December 22, 1928 (Robinson: 2004, p.187). In that congress, women’s organizations from different organizations and provinces gathered to express their demands for the right to elect and to be elected, inheritance law and married law reform, such as child married, divorce, and ending polygamy.
Indonesian women participated as fully in the national independence struggle as Indonesian men, serving as messengers, nurses, and cooks (Wieringa, 2002). However, after gaining independence, Indonesian government led by Soekarno, the first president, ignored the contributions that women made to Indonesian independence. The contribution of women in the nationalist movement was seen as appendage of what men had achieved. As Wieringa asserts; “The Indonesian national revolution was seen by the men who fought for it as victory of male soldiers and male politician” (2002, p.87). Under Soekarno, the Indonesian political system was dominated by men, as the state evolved through its Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1959) and Guided democracy (1959-1965) periods. After 1966, political activism by women disappeared, as the regime felt threatened by the perceived militancy of women’s organization such as Gerwani (McCormick, 2004, p.3; Wieringa, 2002).
b) West Sumatra
In West Sumatra, women took an early role in the movement against Dutch colonialism. Starting in the late nineteenth century, Minangkabau women assumed a prominent position as writers and teachers, especially when compared with other areas of Indonesia. The first female journalist in Indonesia, Roehanna Koeddoes (1884-1972), began in 1892 to share her knowledge and educate women in Talu, Pasaman West Sumatra (Fitriyanti, 2001). In 1911, she established an informal school for women known as ‘Kerajinan Amai Setia’ (KAS) in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra. This institution gave women new opportunities to gain skills and to became educated when almost 90% women in this area were then illiterate (ibid, p.xiv). Roehanna also founded a newspaper, Soenting Melajoe (Malay Ornament) in 1912. Roehanna managed this newspaper together with Zubaidah Ratna Juita. This newspaper ran for 9 years.
In 1923, Ummi Rachmah El Junusiah founded a school for girls in Padang Panjang. Even though many people hesitated to support her activities, she persisted to establish her school in order to empower women. This school, named Diniyah Putri, still exists after 83 years (Aneka Minang, 1972).
In 1927, the Aisyiah organization emerged in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, developing out of the Muhammadyah organization and led by Ramlah. Within 2 years, the organization had opened clinics, schools and orphanages across West Sumatra. Women involved in this organization included Ruhayah Rasyad, Fatimah Djalil, Siti Rahan and Ramlah Jatim (Ibid.). In addition, Sa’adah Halim led and reported for Soeara Perempuan, starting in 1938 (Women’s Journal, 2003).
Besides more “women’s movement” acitivism, Minangkabau women participated directly in the nationalist movement. In 1908, for example, Siti Manggopoh, (1880-1916) became a guerilla leader in the war against the Dutch in the Padang Pariaman district. She helped to strengthen the groups opposing the Dutch in this area (Yurnaldi, 2003). Rasuna Said, an orator and one of the leaders of Indonesian Muslim Party (Partai Muslimin Indonesia or Permi), was imprisoned by the Dutch for fifteen months in 1932 (Kahin: 1999, p.56) for openly calling for Indonesian independence at a Permi meeting.
West Sumatra women contributed greatly to the rebellion by the Minangkabau against the Indonesian government that began with the establishment of the revolutionary government of the Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia, PRRI) in Padang in 1959 (Kahin: 1999, p.17). According to Kahin, this rebellion arose from the conflict between the hierarchal vision for government by Soekarno and his supporters, and the desire of the Minangkabau people for a more egalitarian and decentralized government, which would include local autonomy for Indonesian provinces. In this rebellion, women participated by supplying food for the guerillas, and even spying on the Indonesian forces (Midawati, 1989).
In conclusion, women in West Sumatra took major roles in the Indonesian women’s and nationalist movement during Indonesia’s colonial period at a time when most women in others parts of the East Indies remained illiterate and housebound. The example set by these West Sumatra women more than a century ago inspired West Sumatra women to also help educate women while also trying to liberate their homeland.
III. Life Fact
a) In Indonesia
The New Order era of the Indonesian political system between 1966 and 1998, in which Soeharto governed Indonesia with near dictatorial powers, female political participation was largely only a tool to achieve the goals of the national government. Authorized organizations like Dharma Wanita (the civil servant’s wife association) and PKK (Family Welfare Guidance) trapped women, because they focused women on supporting their husbands, rather than encouraging women to independently participate in society. These organization instructed women to focus on domestic tasks such as bearing and taking care of children, caring their husband, and thereby serve the state by serving their family.
In all the provinces of Indonesia, the Soeharto government internalized this ‘womanhood’ idea into a hegemonic ideology. Suryakusuma calls this national policy of reinforcing the dependency of women on men, especially their husbands, ‘State Ibuism’ (Suryakusuma: 2004, p.162). Politically, socially and psychologically ‘state ibuism’ denied all female autonomy: women were seen as subjects rather than objects (ibid: p.188).
The deposing of Soeharto in May 1998, which dramatically altered the Indonesian political system, was originally expected to transform the role of women in the nation. However, even though Indonesian political parties and mass media have flourished under the 2001 decentralization policy, democratization is still problematic. For example, routine practices of bribing and otherwise distributing money to voters before elections, along with certain regulations and new laws passed by the more-autonomous provinces, have increased the marginalization of women in politics (Budianta: 2006, p.916). Indeed, between 1999 and 2004, no more than 9% of the members of the People’s Representative Assembly (MPR) were female, and female participation in provincial, municipal, and regency assembly hovered between 3% and zero (Budianta: 2006, p.917).
As the reform era continues, Indonesians are discussing increasing female political participation. For example, in 2003, a new law encouraged—but did not require—political parties to reserve 30% of their seats in the national and local legislatures for women. Activists for female political participation argue that the more women in parliament who contribute to the creation of public policy, the more public policy will concern women’s issues (Hapsari, 2001)
b) In West Sumatra
In West Sumatra, the Minangkabau practice a more matrilineal system than the rest of Indonesia. This system provides more opportunities for Minangkabau women to be more active in public sphere than women in the more patriarchal parts of Indonesia such as participate in politics than that women in more patriarchal society. The combination of matrilineal and patriarchal system in West Sumatra reflects the intersection between local customs (adat) with the patriarchal teachings of Islam. Islam permeates Minangkabau society; almost 99% of the Minangkabau population is Muslim.
As Sanday (2000) describes, the matrilineal system has positioned women at the core of extended families. Women in Minangkabau society have higher status relative to their counterparts elsewhere in Indonesia in terms of their custom, property ownership, and general equality to men (Wieringa, 1995). Women are mothers of the lineage (Bundo Kanduang), because they own property and control their own social identity. Thus, the Minangkabau have no term for female domination or subordination, because men and women are incorporated in “webs of power” with many different orientations (Blackwood, 2000, p.189). In term of education and female labor, women in West Sumatra are on the above rank of average. Nationally, West Sumatra is ranked sixth in mean years of schooling for girls and women, and the female labor participation in West Sumatra is the fourth highest in the 26 provinces of Indonesia (Indonesian Human Development Index, 2001).
Although West Sumatra women led in female participation during the colonial era, the fraction of women who participate in politics in West Sumatra is not the highest in Indonesia. For example, the West Sumatra House of Representatives has only five women among its 55 members, as indicated by the table below. Indeed the province with the highest percentage (17%) of women parliament members was East Kalimantan. By comparison, female participation was roughly average among Indonesian provinces position (9%), trailing provinces such as Central Sulawesi (16%), East Java (15%), North Sulawesi (14%) and West Java (11%).
Therefore, although West Sumatra has the most matrilineal system in Indonesia, which presumably provides more opportunities for female participation in society, female political participation is barely mediocre, as measured by the number of female legislators. Questions that arise include does matrilineality offer women a more advantageous bargaining position and greater well-being for women relative to men, and if not, why? What factors influence the decisions of women to participate in the electoral politics? Ultimately, what contradictions exist between the expectations placed upon Minangkabau women by the matrilineal and patriarchal systems of West Sumatra?
IV. Analysis.
IV. Analysis.
a) State Control in Indonesia.
Despite the new quota policy and the official goal of Indonesian society for women to participate more in the political system, the number of female legislator is low—far below the official 30% goal—throughout Indonesia. One reason is that many more factors influence the decisions of women to participate in politics besides the applicable laws. As described by McGlen, O’Connor, Van Assendelft and Gunther-Canada in Women’s Political Participation, gender bias is not the only factor that limits female participation, but also the political system, race, class, ethnic and education backgrounds. Thus, some obstacles in providing opportunities for women in political participation can be found through the government or other people who have power or dominant group that control society.
In Indonesia, the government system is still tightly centralized in Jakarta. Even though New Order regime ended in 1998, the vestigial effects of the New Order regime on female political participation are still felt. It is because political system does not support women to be more active in politics. In addition, many actors in politics such as member of political parties dominated by men. It is similar to what McGlen, O’Connor, Van Assendelft and Gunther-Canada mentioned about negative cultural attitude and cultural expectation. Those cultural obstacles do not expect women involve in public sphere as politicians, instead of involve in charities activities. It is impact on women that was positioned them as second bread winner; and they do not have resources to campaign their programs. Consequently, not only do few women know how to campaign, it is difficult to frame an independent agenda for women’s issues because of restraints on the political system that are set by government policy.
Cultures, particularly assertions about the interpretation of Islamic teachings are also become barriers for women desiring to be active in politics. For example, many male politicians used Islamic teaching to denounce the elevation of Megawati Soekarnoputri as president of Indonesia in 2001, because she is a woman. Megawati’s experience dramatically illustrates how culture and law contribute to the iron grip of men over the Indonesian political system.
The kind of women elected in the late days of the Soeharto regime illustrates how female participation in politics is still under state control. Female participation in the parliament during the late 1980s to the mid 1990s was mostly because the New Order era constructed a political space expressly for women. However, female legislators were recruited for office because of their relationship to senior bureaucrats or military members (McCormick: 2003, p.30). Mostly of these women are members of the Golkar party and were not chosen based on either their capability or political interest. These women, like many other female Indonesian legislators, are ineffective because they lack experience and knowledge in politics and are also less capable of voicing the interests of their constituents.
In contrast to the national and local legislatures, some women are more active in grassroots organizations, participating as NGO activists, writers and artists, where they are less under the control of party leaders and politicians in general. Later, they (to name a few, such as Gadis Arivia, Ratna Sarumpaet, and Ninik Leksono) participated in politics as members of organizations like Suara Ibu Peduli (Voice of Mother group). Through this Non Government Organization (NGO’s), women helped reform the Indonesian political system by bringing about the fall of Soeharto (McCormick, 2003).
Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan) is a leader of women politicians who rose during the late New Order and the early Reform era. Although a power in her own right, she gains much of her authority because she is a daughter of the first Indonesian president, Soekarno. Similar other woman politician is Siti Hardiyati Rukmana (aka Tutut) of the Golkar Party; she is a daughter of former president Soeharto. She has more opportunities to be active in politics because of her father. In contrast, another prominent female politician is Khofifah Indraparawansa from United Development Parti (PPP, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan). She is account based on her capability, not based on the connection with men.
According to McCormick, the family backgrounds and men connection of several women lead them to be active in different political parties. They also have different political interests; for example PDI-P member Megawati, unlike her counterparts in the Golkar party like Tutut, was recruited for her electoral appeal rather than party loyalty or auxiliary membership (McCormick: 2003, p.16). However, during her 1987-1992 term as national legislator, she was not a political lion(ess), showing little interest in the internal affairs of her PDI party and never making comments to the press on any important issue. Although Megawati became party leader in 1993, her support was still motivated more by her relation to her father, Soekarno a founding father of Indonesia, rather than her abilities.
b) West Sumatra still strongly centralized
In West Sumatra, the centralization of the New Order era still causes the political participation to be undervalued. One result is the insignificant number of female legislators (only five out of 55 legislators) and the 30% reservation policy for female candidates does not seem to have influenced this number very much.
Despite their scarcity, all five female legislators are highly educated by Indonesian standards, holding the equivalent of the American bachelor’s degree and master’s degree. Three of them come from the rural areas; two are from the Padang Pariaman regency and one from the Tanah Datar regency. The rest of them come from Padang city, the capital of West Sumatra.
Regardless of their education or ability, most of the female legislators in the West Sumatra legislator, owe their position to their husband, father or other male relative such as “Mamak” (in Minangkabau, Mamak is mother’s brother or an uncle from mother line) who has a significant role in an extended family). These male relatives help them in campaigning with voters, and even in meeting with their constituents. Although most female West Sumatra legislators are Minangkabau like most of their constituents, their class position is unusually high; their occupations include entrepreneur, lecturer, and administration staff in the institution of informal education.
Despite their relative social position, most of them confess that serving as a legislator requires also having sufficient money, energy and political connections. Because they lack much of an independent status as politicians, but rather owe their position to their political parties, they also confess that any agenda that specially concerns women’s issues cannot be easily implemented. “Working in the parliament is a team work; we cannot force our agenda to them. First we have to persuade them that our agenda is useful for people, not only women,” said one of female legislators. Interestingly, not one of them has been in NGO activist or otherwise played a leadership role in any specific group.
As a whole, the various backgrounds of the five female legislators in West Sumatra illustrates why women’s issues are undervalued in West Sumatra. Power in West Sumatra accrues to those people with enough money, property and having a suitable connection to another politician, when all the powerful ones are male. Consequently, even if they are elected, female provincial legislators have no power to force much political change in the interest of women—and probably no one else.
The matrilineality of West Sumatra does not change the situation for women much, at least in regards to female political participation, although this may largely be due to the competing influences of Islam and Indonesian nationalism. Prior to Indonesian independence, thanks to “adat,” it was common for Minangkabau women to be leaders. As Blackwood describes, Adat is a local custom that constitutes the foundational discourse for Minangkabau identity and ethnicity (2001, p.126). While the Dutch were largely unconcerned about Minangkabau social organization, Blackwood believes that the rise of the Indonesian national government led to the reinterpretation of adat writings to conform to the goals of the new state. Blackburn gives, as an example of man who reinterpreted adat writings, one Idrus Dt.Hakimy Dt. Radjo Penghulu. Under his direction, adat writings were reinterpreted to conform to the policies of the Jakarta government, as expressed by such institutions as Dharma Wanita and PKK, which declared that the most important role of women in society was to serve as good wives and mothers, or Bundo Kanduang (see Manderson 1980: Sullivan 1983) and (Balckwood, 2001, p.141). Furthermore, the very reduction of adat, originally an oral tradition, to writing illustrates the influence of the new Indonesian state. Although the restructuring of adat reflects Jakarta’s concern with the restive nature of the Minangkabau people, especially after the 1959 rebellion, the changes also illustrate the power of men, particularly under a central government dominated by men.
Conclusion
Despite their scarcity, all five female legislators are highly educated by Indonesian standards, holding the equivalent of the American bachelor’s degree and master’s degree. Three of them come from the rural areas; two are from the Padang Pariaman regency and one from the Tanah Datar regency. The rest of them come from Padang city, the capital of West Sumatra.
Regardless of their education or ability, most of the female legislators in the West Sumatra legislator, owe their position to their husband, father or other male relative such as “Mamak” (in Minangkabau, Mamak is mother’s brother or an uncle from mother line) who has a significant role in an extended family). These male relatives help them in campaigning with voters, and even in meeting with their constituents. Although most female West Sumatra legislators are Minangkabau like most of their constituents, their class position is unusually high; their occupations include entrepreneur, lecturer, and administration staff in the institution of informal education.
Despite their relative social position, most of them confess that serving as a legislator requires also having sufficient money, energy and political connections. Because they lack much of an independent status as politicians, but rather owe their position to their political parties, they also confess that any agenda that specially concerns women’s issues cannot be easily implemented. “Working in the parliament is a team work; we cannot force our agenda to them. First we have to persuade them that our agenda is useful for people, not only women,” said one of female legislators. Interestingly, not one of them has been in NGO activist or otherwise played a leadership role in any specific group.
As a whole, the various backgrounds of the five female legislators in West Sumatra illustrates why women’s issues are undervalued in West Sumatra. Power in West Sumatra accrues to those people with enough money, property and having a suitable connection to another politician, when all the powerful ones are male. Consequently, even if they are elected, female provincial legislators have no power to force much political change in the interest of women—and probably no one else.
The matrilineality of West Sumatra does not change the situation for women much, at least in regards to female political participation, although this may largely be due to the competing influences of Islam and Indonesian nationalism. Prior to Indonesian independence, thanks to “adat,” it was common for Minangkabau women to be leaders. As Blackwood describes, Adat is a local custom that constitutes the foundational discourse for Minangkabau identity and ethnicity (2001, p.126). While the Dutch were largely unconcerned about Minangkabau social organization, Blackwood believes that the rise of the Indonesian national government led to the reinterpretation of adat writings to conform to the goals of the new state. Blackburn gives, as an example of man who reinterpreted adat writings, one Idrus Dt.Hakimy Dt. Radjo Penghulu. Under his direction, adat writings were reinterpreted to conform to the policies of the Jakarta government, as expressed by such institutions as Dharma Wanita and PKK, which declared that the most important role of women in society was to serve as good wives and mothers, or Bundo Kanduang (see Manderson 1980: Sullivan 1983) and (Balckwood, 2001, p.141). Furthermore, the very reduction of adat, originally an oral tradition, to writing illustrates the influence of the new Indonesian state. Although the restructuring of adat reflects Jakarta’s concern with the restive nature of the Minangkabau people, especially after the 1959 rebellion, the changes also illustrate the power of men, particularly under a central government dominated by men.
Conclusion
Women have participated in the politics of the East Indies since the earliest days of the modern independence movement. However, regardless of the evolution of the Indonesian political system, participation of women in the political system has been governed by political parties and the policies of the Jakarta government. In addition, six years has been insufficient to eliminate the effects of the effect of the Soeharto regime on female political participation, especially as independent political leaders rather than symbols and tokens.
In West Sumatra, national government policies and the national political system still heavily influence the political system. Local politicians defer to their leaders in the capital city of Indonesia, the central government. Although the matrilineal system of West Sumatra gives local women unique opportunities to be active in politics, the central government holds more sway than the matrilineal system. As a result, the political power of women and the importance of issues important to the liberation of women hold little importance with either major political leaders or local voters.
In West Sumatra, national government policies and the national political system still heavily influence the political system. Local politicians defer to their leaders in the capital city of Indonesia, the central government. Although the matrilineal system of West Sumatra gives local women unique opportunities to be active in politics, the central government holds more sway than the matrilineal system. As a result, the political power of women and the importance of issues important to the liberation of women hold little importance with either major political leaders or local voters.
@seli naswati
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