Political Participation by Women in Indonesia

I. Introduction

Women’s movements aim to raise the status of females who are discriminated against and who lack of opportunities in the public sphere as well as to accomplish equality between men and women. Blackburn defines the primary goals of the Indonesian women’s movement as lowering maternal mortality, promoting education for girls and women, and improving the access of women to information (2004, p.14). Overall, the Indonesian women’s movement devotes its interaction with the government to stressing the importance of improving women’s education, protecting their marriage and motherhood rights, opposing polygamy, reducing violence against women and their economic exploitation, and in general, making women fully citizens of the Indonesian republic. In this paper, I will examine the gender relation through women’s political participation in Indonesia and particularly in the parts of West Sumatra organized under a combination of matrilineal and patriarchal system.

II. History of women’s political involvement in Indonesia.

a).Nationally
Symbolic of the early involvement of Indonesian women seeking their rights within the movement to end 350 years of Dutch colonialism is their participation in the first national women’s congress on December 22, 1928 (Robinson: 2004, p.187). In that congress, women’s organizations from different organizations and provinces gathered to express their demands for the right to elect and to be elected, inheritance law and married law reform, such as child married, divorce, and ending polygamy.
Indonesian women participated as fully in the national independence struggle as Indonesian men, serving as messengers, nurses, and cooks (Wieringa, 2002). However, after gaining independence, Indonesian government led by Soekarno, the first president, ignored the contributions that women made to Indonesian independence. The contribution of women in the nationalist movement was seen as appendage of what men had achieved. As Wieringa asserts; “The Indonesian national revolution was seen by the men who fought for it as victory of male soldiers and male politician” (2002, p.87). Under Soekarno, the Indonesian political system was dominated by men, as the state evolved through its Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1959) and Guided democracy (1959-1965) periods. After 1966, political activism by women disappeared, as the regime felt threatened by the perceived militancy of women’s organization such as Gerwani (McCormick, 2004, p.3; Wieringa, 2002).

b) West Sumatra
In West Sumatra, women took an early role in the movement against Dutch colonialism. Starting in the late nineteenth century, Minangkabau women assumed a prominent position as writers and teachers, especially when compared with other areas of Indonesia. The first female journalist in Indonesia, Roehanna Koeddoes (1884-1972), began in 1892 to share her knowledge and educate women in Talu, Pasaman West Sumatra (Fitriyanti, 2001). In 1911, she established an informal school for women known as ‘Kerajinan Amai Setia’ (KAS) in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra. This institution gave women new opportunities to gain skills and to became educated when almost 90% women in this area were then illiterate (ibid, p.xiv). Roehanna also founded a newspaper, Soenting Melajoe (Malay Ornament) in 1912. Roehanna managed this newspaper together with Zubaidah Ratna Juita. This newspaper ran for 9 years.

In 1923, Ummi Rachmah El Junusiah founded a school for girls in Padang Panjang. Even though many people hesitated to support her activities, she persisted to establish her school in order to empower women. This school, named Diniyah Putri, still exists after 83 years (Aneka Minang, 1972).

In 1927, the Aisyiah organization emerged in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, developing out of the Muhammadyah organization and led by Ramlah. Within 2 years, the organization had opened clinics, schools and orphanages across West Sumatra. Women involved in this organization included Ruhayah Rasyad, Fatimah Djalil, Siti Rahan and Ramlah Jatim (Ibid.). In addition, Sa’adah Halim led and reported for Soeara Perempuan, starting in 1938 (Women’s Journal, 2003).

Besides more “women’s movement” acitivism, Minangkabau women participated directly in the nationalist movement. In 1908, for example, Siti Manggopoh, (1880-1916) became a guerilla leader in the war against the Dutch in the Padang Pariaman district. She helped to strengthen the groups opposing the Dutch in this area (Yurnaldi, 2003). Rasuna Said, an orator and one of the leaders of Indonesian Muslim Party (Partai Muslimin Indonesia or Permi), was imprisoned by the Dutch for fifteen months in 1932 (Kahin: 1999, p.56) for openly calling for Indonesian independence at a Permi meeting.

West Sumatra women contributed greatly to the rebellion by the Minangkabau against the Indonesian government that began with the establishment of the revolutionary government of the Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia, PRRI) in Padang in 1959 (Kahin: 1999, p.17). According to Kahin, this rebellion arose from the conflict between the hierarchal vision for government by Soekarno and his supporters, and the desire of the Minangkabau people for a more egalitarian and decentralized government, which would include local autonomy for Indonesian provinces. In this rebellion, women participated by supplying food for the guerillas, and even spying on the Indonesian forces (Midawati, 1989).

In conclusion, women in West Sumatra took major roles in the Indonesian women’s and nationalist movement during Indonesia’s colonial period at a time when most women in others parts of the East Indies remained illiterate and housebound. The example set by these West Sumatra women more than a century ago inspired West Sumatra women to also help educate women while also trying to liberate their homeland.

III. Life Fact

a) In Indonesia

The New Order era of the Indonesian political system between 1966 and 1998, in which Soeharto governed Indonesia with near dictatorial powers, female political participation was largely only a tool to achieve the goals of the national government. Authorized organizations like Dharma Wanita (the civil servant’s wife association) and PKK (Family Welfare Guidance) trapped women, because they focused women on supporting their husbands, rather than encouraging women to independently participate in society. These organization instructed women to focus on domestic tasks such as bearing and taking care of children, caring their husband, and thereby serve the state by serving their family.

In all the provinces of Indonesia, the Soeharto government internalized this ‘womanhood’ idea into a hegemonic ideology. Suryakusuma calls this national policy of reinforcing the dependency of women on men, especially their husbands, ‘State Ibuism’ (Suryakusuma: 2004, p.162). Politically, socially and psychologically ‘state ibuism’ denied all female autonomy: women were seen as subjects rather than objects (ibid: p.188).

The deposing of Soeharto in May 1998, which dramatically altered the Indonesian political system, was originally expected to transform the role of women in the nation. However, even though Indonesian political parties and mass media have flourished under the 2001 decentralization policy, democratization is still problematic. For example, routine practices of bribing and otherwise distributing money to voters before elections, along with certain regulations and new laws passed by the more-autonomous provinces, have increased the marginalization of women in politics (Budianta: 2006, p.916). Indeed, between 1999 and 2004, no more than 9% of the members of the People’s Representative Assembly (MPR) were female, and female participation in provincial, municipal, and regency assembly hovered between 3% and zero (Budianta: 2006, p.917).

As the reform era continues, Indonesians are discussing increasing female political participation. For example, in 2003, a new law encouraged—but did not require—political parties to reserve 30% of their seats in the national and local legislatures for women. Activists for female political participation argue that the more women in parliament who contribute to the creation of public policy, the more public policy will concern women’s issues (Hapsari, 2001)

b) In West Sumatra

In West Sumatra, the Minangkabau practice a more matrilineal system than the rest of Indonesia. This system provides more opportunities for Minangkabau women to be more active in public sphere than women in the more patriarchal parts of Indonesia such as participate in politics than that women in more patriarchal society. The combination of matrilineal and patriarchal system in West Sumatra reflects the intersection between local customs (adat) with the patriarchal teachings of Islam. Islam permeates Minangkabau society; almost 99% of the Minangkabau population is Muslim.

As Sanday (2000) describes, the matrilineal system has positioned women at the core of extended families. Women in Minangkabau society have higher status relative to their counterparts elsewhere in Indonesia in terms of their custom, property ownership, and general equality to men (Wieringa, 1995). Women are mothers of the lineage (Bundo Kanduang), because they own property and control their own social identity. Thus, the Minangkabau have no term for female domination or subordination, because men and women are incorporated in “webs of power” with many different orientations (Blackwood, 2000, p.189). In term of education and female labor, women in West Sumatra are on the above rank of average. Nationally, West Sumatra is ranked sixth in mean years of schooling for girls and women, and the female labor participation in West Sumatra is the fourth highest in the 26 provinces of Indonesia (Indonesian Human Development Index, 2001).

Although West Sumatra women led in female participation during the colonial era, the fraction of women who participate in politics in West Sumatra is not the highest in Indonesia. For example, the West Sumatra House of Representatives has only five women among its 55 members, as indicated by the table below. Indeed the province with the highest percentage (17%) of women parliament members was East Kalimantan. By comparison, female participation was roughly average among Indonesian provinces position (9%), trailing provinces such as Central Sulawesi (16%), East Java (15%), North Sulawesi (14%) and West Java (11%).

Therefore, although West Sumatra has the most matrilineal system in Indonesia, which presumably provides more opportunities for female participation in society, female political participation is barely mediocre, as measured by the number of female legislators. Questions that arise include does matrilineality offer women a more advantageous bargaining position and greater well-being for women relative to men, and if not, why? What factors influence the decisions of women to participate in the electoral politics? Ultimately, what contradictions exist between the expectations placed upon Minangkabau women by the matrilineal and patriarchal systems of West Sumatra?

IV. Analysis.

a) State Control in Indonesia.

Despite the new quota policy and the official goal of Indonesian society for women to participate more in the political system, the number of female legislator is low—far below the official 30% goal—throughout Indonesia. One reason is that many more factors influence the decisions of women to participate in politics besides the applicable laws. As described by McGlen, O’Connor, Van Assendelft and Gunther-Canada in Women’s Political Participation, gender bias is not the only factor that limits female participation, but also the political system, race, class, ethnic and education backgrounds. Thus, some obstacles in providing opportunities for women in political participation can be found through the government or other people who have power or dominant group that control society.

In Indonesia, the government system is still tightly centralized in Jakarta. Even though New Order regime ended in 1998, the vestigial effects of the New Order regime on female political participation are still felt. It is because political system does not support women to be more active in politics. In addition, many actors in politics such as member of political parties dominated by men. It is similar to what McGlen, O’Connor, Van Assendelft and Gunther-Canada mentioned about negative cultural attitude and cultural expectation. Those cultural obstacles do not expect women involve in public sphere as politicians, instead of involve in charities activities. It is impact on women that was positioned them as second bread winner; and they do not have resources to campaign their programs. Consequently, not only do few women know how to campaign, it is difficult to frame an independent agenda for women’s issues because of restraints on the political system that are set by government policy.

Cultures, particularly assertions about the interpretation of Islamic teachings are also become barriers for women desiring to be active in politics. For example, many male politicians used Islamic teaching to denounce the elevation of Megawati Soekarnoputri as president of Indonesia in 2001, because she is a woman. Megawati’s experience dramatically illustrates how culture and law contribute to the iron grip of men over the Indonesian political system.

The kind of women elected in the late days of the Soeharto regime illustrates how female participation in politics is still under state control. Female participation in the parliament during the late 1980s to the mid 1990s was mostly because the New Order era constructed a political space expressly for women. However, female legislators were recruited for office because of their relationship to senior bureaucrats or military members (McCormick: 2003, p.30). Mostly of these women are members of the Golkar party and were not chosen based on either their capability or political interest. These women, like many other female Indonesian legislators, are ineffective because they lack experience and knowledge in politics and are also less capable of voicing the interests of their constituents.

In contrast to the national and local legislatures, some women are more active in grassroots organizations, participating as NGO activists, writers and artists, where they are less under the control of party leaders and politicians in general. Later, they (to name a few, such as Gadis Arivia, Ratna Sarumpaet, and Ninik Leksono) participated in politics as members of organizations like Suara Ibu Peduli (Voice of Mother group). Through this Non Government Organization (NGO’s), women helped reform the Indonesian political system by bringing about the fall of Soeharto (McCormick, 2003).

Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan) is a leader of women politicians who rose during the late New Order and the early Reform era. Although a power in her own right, she gains much of her authority because she is a daughter of the first Indonesian president, Soekarno. Similar other woman politician is Siti Hardiyati Rukmana (aka Tutut) of the Golkar Party; she is a daughter of former president Soeharto. She has more opportunities to be active in politics because of her father. In contrast, another prominent female politician is Khofifah Indraparawansa from United Development Parti (PPP, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan). She is account based on her capability, not based on the connection with men.

According to McCormick, the family backgrounds and men connection of several women lead them to be active in different political parties. They also have different political interests; for example PDI-P member Megawati, unlike her counterparts in the Golkar party like Tutut, was recruited for her electoral appeal rather than party loyalty or auxiliary membership (McCormick: 2003, p.16). However, during her 1987-1992 term as national legislator, she was not a political lion(ess), showing little interest in the internal affairs of her PDI party and never making comments to the press on any important issue. Although Megawati became party leader in 1993, her support was still motivated more by her relation to her father, Soekarno a founding father of Indonesia, rather than her abilities.

b) West Sumatra still strongly centralized

In West Sumatra, the centralization of the New Order era still causes the political participation to be undervalued. One result is the insignificant number of female legislators (only five out of 55 legislators) and the 30% reservation policy for female candidates does not seem to have influenced this number very much.
Despite their scarcity, all five female legislators are highly educated by Indonesian standards, holding the equivalent of the American bachelor’s degree and master’s degree. Three of them come from the rural areas; two are from the Padang Pariaman regency and one from the Tanah Datar regency. The rest of them come from Padang city, the capital of West Sumatra.
Regardless of their education or ability, most of the female legislators in the West Sumatra legislator, owe their position to their husband, father or other male relative such as “Mamak” (in Minangkabau, Mamak is mother’s brother or an uncle from mother line) who has a significant role in an extended family). These male relatives help them in campaigning with voters, and even in meeting with their constituents. Although most female West Sumatra legislators are Minangkabau like most of their constituents, their class position is unusually high; their occupations include entrepreneur, lecturer, and administration staff in the institution of informal education.
Despite their relative social position, most of them confess that serving as a legislator requires also having sufficient money, energy and political connections. Because they lack much of an independent status as politicians, but rather owe their position to their political parties, they also confess that any agenda that specially concerns women’s issues cannot be easily implemented. “Working in the parliament is a team work; we cannot force our agenda to them. First we have to persuade them that our agenda is useful for people, not only women,” said one of female legislators. Interestingly, not one of them has been in NGO activist or otherwise played a leadership role in any specific group.
As a whole, the various backgrounds of the five female legislators in West Sumatra illustrates why women’s issues are undervalued in West Sumatra. Power in West Sumatra accrues to those people with enough money, property and having a suitable connection to another politician, when all the powerful ones are male. Consequently, even if they are elected, female provincial legislators have no power to force much political change in the interest of women—and probably no one else.
The matrilineality of West Sumatra does not change the situation for women much, at least in regards to female political participation, although this may largely be due to the competing influences of Islam and Indonesian nationalism. Prior to Indonesian independence, thanks to “adat,” it was common for Minangkabau women to be leaders. As Blackwood describes, Adat is a local custom that constitutes the foundational discourse for Minangkabau identity and ethnicity (2001, p.126). While the Dutch were largely unconcerned about Minangkabau social organization, Blackwood believes that the rise of the Indonesian national government led to the reinterpretation of adat writings to conform to the goals of the new state. Blackburn gives, as an example of man who reinterpreted adat writings, one Idrus Dt.Hakimy Dt. Radjo Penghulu. Under his direction, adat writings were reinterpreted to conform to the policies of the Jakarta government, as expressed by such institutions as Dharma Wanita and PKK, which declared that the most important role of women in society was to serve as good wives and mothers, or Bundo Kanduang (see Manderson 1980: Sullivan 1983) and (Balckwood, 2001, p.141). Furthermore, the very reduction of adat, originally an oral tradition, to writing illustrates the influence of the new Indonesian state. Although the restructuring of adat reflects Jakarta’s concern with the restive nature of the Minangkabau people, especially after the 1959 rebellion, the changes also illustrate the power of men, particularly under a central government dominated by men.

Conclusion

Women have participated in the politics of the East Indies since the earliest days of the modern independence movement. However, regardless of the evolution of the Indonesian political system, participation of women in the political system has been governed by political parties and the policies of the Jakarta government. In addition, six years has been insufficient to eliminate the effects of the effect of the Soeharto regime on female political participation, especially as independent political leaders rather than symbols and tokens.
In West Sumatra, national government policies and the national political system still heavily influence the political system. Local politicians defer to their leaders in the capital city of Indonesia, the central government. Although the matrilineal system of West Sumatra gives local women unique opportunities to be active in politics, the central government holds more sway than the matrilineal system. As a result, the political power of women and the importance of issues important to the liberation of women hold little importance with either major political leaders or local voters.

@seli naswati

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Bridging Gender Gap in the Development Program

Introduction

In this essay, the concept of development refers to changing of economic growth in developing country that is intended to improve the lives and maximize the potential of humans. The government sets up their growth programs to employ their goal and plays a central role in the economic growth. The domination of government in the developing process is called Hirschman by traditional development economics. This traditional development economics is not really success in characterizing economic development, which involves expansion of people’s capability[1].

As the traditional development economic is dominated by the government in handling on the economic growth, it is not become a problem when the domination of government provides choices for people. The problem happen when the government does not perform the development process for all people; male and female. Both economic growth and human well being go together at the same time. Nevertheless, the growth is not automatically correlated with human development. Further, there is a notion of people welfare that assumes general poverty is the problem that it is not related to women as such. Since poverty, undernourishment, escapable morbidity or avoidable morbidity strikes men as well as women[2], many experts assume that the position of women in those cases does not need to be considered separately. However, data on life expectancy shows us at the first that women have longer life expectancy than men, but then diminish because of growth ignore women’s condition. Sen calls it as a gender gap.

The term of gender un-neutral in development issues seems most popular in developing countries. This term related to the development that cannot give the same opportunity and equality treatment between men and women. In this essay I will examine why the gender gap in the development still exists? How to bridge the gap?

Gender Gap

Gender gap in economic growth can be analyzed through two points: first because of women’s bargaining position and second, the idea about women involves in developing process just as an object of development. According to Sen, women’s bargaining position is related to gender relation that can be seen as cooperative conflict in the household. Bargaining problem in the household is caused by gender division which can be separated into perception of interest, perceived contribution and breakdown well being response[3]. He explains that the gap in perception of interest between men and women influences women’s well being. Furthermore, Agarwal looks at women’s bargaining position in the household and beyond household. She examines gender relation as a bargaining position of women that is called fall-back position. This concept can be defined as the ability of women to life soon after married breakdown in which women have some alternative to survive. Some criteria affect the fall-back position women’s in household including, access to have a land, access to get income, to communal resources, to traditional external support social system, and access to support from the state and NGO. In terms of gender relation beyond the household, Agarwal engages bargaining position as gender relation outside the household with social norms in the society, market and community[4].

Regarding Indonesian women’s bargaining, I take two examples from different societies: matrilineal and patriarchal society. The land rights for women can be found in matrilineal society in West Sumatra, one of provinces in Indonesia. West Sumatran people are known as Minangkabau ethnic group that the only one area practices matrilineal system in Indonesia. The matrilineal system operates in West Sumatran to strengthen the links between women in the extended family. As Sanday states: “the matrilineal system is the transgenerational link in the maternal chain through which pass ancestral land and matrilineal title from the grandmother to the mother and then to the granddaughter and her descendant in the female line”[5]. She emphasizes that women is positioned as the core of the generational family. It means that women have a power to organize their ancestor land. As mentioned by Blackwood, Minangkabau kinship defines access to and control of land through women[6].

In reality, I can see that women in West Sumatra are more independent that that women in Indonesia. Even they are widows, they are not dependent on family but are still capable to raise and educate their children. It is because they have an asset such as arable land to fulfill their basic needs. Matrilocal system in West Sumatra also supports women to survive in fall-back breakdown. When women do not have enough assets, because of poor or other calamity, women in West Sumatra still survive; women who do not have much asset such a land or heritance are still independent. It was because matrilineal culture in West Sumatra since long time ago provided opportunity to women to be active outside. It is not surprise if many women, most widow in West Sumatra, become groceries trader in traditional market. They are traveling from one to other traditional weekly markets to buy and sell groceries all day.

This job is well known as “Manggaleh Babelok”, means that women go to the market everyday at different places around 10-50 kilometer from their areas to southern, northern, eastern and western parts to sell groceries. They get income from their efforts. Thus, women and widows in West Sumatra have bargaining position to men. Women’s bargaining is supported by market, community and social norm. It seems Agarwal’s ideas can be found in West Sumatra too in which women have a property such as land and house from motherside and also have an income through ‘manggaleh babelok’.

Except West Sumatra, all of provinces in Indonesia operate patriarchal system. I compare West Sumatra to Riau Province in terms of labor force, education and female legislator. It is because Riau where located on south-western part of West Sumatra and is similar in terms of geographic, religion and culture to West Sumatra. However, Riau practices patriarchal system affects women’s bargaining. Riau people recognized as Malay ethnic group. Like Java ethnic group, Malay culture with patriarchal society passes the land heritage to their son; women seem to be having less bargaining position in their family. Their system provides opportunity to women to go work for temporary time. They work before married, but after married they ‘force’ to quit from their job. The reason is that Malay culture believes that a good women is devoted to their families such as taking care of children, cooking, cleaning in the household (It is reflect in some Malay poets; “becoming good women have to devote to their family”). Another reason, factories or employers fire them after married, with classical reason such as pregnant women are not productive. Thus, women depend on men and their families. The women’s position getting worst after they are divorce.

Women’s fell back position in Riau province worst than that in West Sumatra. Some indicator can be seen through female labor in both provinces. Data from Human development Index in 2001 shows West Sumatra play a more active role in the labor force. The female labor force in West Sumatra is 40.3%. It is ranked fourth of the 26 provinces in Indonesia and female labor force in Riau Province is 30.0%. In education, data shows that means years schooling for women in West Sumatra is 7.2 years and in Riau is 6.9 years. In the political field, there are five female legislators in West Sumatra house of representative; meanwhile Riau province has three female legislators. The differences between women activities in matrilineal and patriarchal society epitomize the different fall-back position.

However, as globalization afflict every place, traditional market in West Sumatra collided by the capitalism. The investors who support by government built markets and malls in some agriculture land. Ironically, for some reasons, economics or financial, member of extended family tends to sell their land and houses for building new economic growth such as super market and malls. Women who trade their groceries compete with government policy with patriarchal idea in the name of economic growth and globalization. Women become marginalized and doing groceries trade in the limited areas such as rural areas. It is because urban areas are attached by malls and supermarkets. The government with their policies seems ignore women’s job as groceries trader and more support the investor who build malls and modern markets. This temporary job is impact on fall back position. Matrilocal is also changing, many nuclear families prefer to stay in their own home or rent a house, separate from extended family. Some social changing in matrilineal society also changes fallback position. There is a diminish women’s bargaining position in matrilineal society that causing women’s position similar to women in patriarchal society. This phenomenon shows that the gender gap are still exist. So it is important to improve bargaining position but we can not because women still become and object in the development.

Women involve in the development and force to participate in gainong program successfully. It seems the government does not consider about what women’s need and what better for women’s well being. The goal is only to success the programs. For example family planning program in India and Indonesia. In India, as we saw in the movie”Something like a War”, women have to use birth control in order to overcome the ‘baby boom’. This policy seems ignore the culture value in India; when a mother wants to release her reproductive contraception in hoping she can give birth the son who is valuable than a daughter. However, the doctor does not allow her. It shows that even culture value will positioned behind the government program. On the top of that, the most behind is a reproductive choice for women. In the name of population control, they disregard women’s health and women’s desire. It can be understood because mostly women who become target of population control are poor women; they do not have a power to determine what they want to do.

In Indonesia the family planning program during Soeharto regime forced women to use birth control. By using the military force, the government gains success in population control. Like a coin with two sides, this successful program is not follow by the women’s welfare life. A number of poor women still increase and high in mortality rate. In the South East Asia, Indonesia has the highest mortality rate; it is about 18 per 1,000 mothers. This condition epitomizes the women as an object not as subject in development process.

It is clear that the growth analysis ignore women’s role. They did not put gender equality is the main issue. The men seem untouchable in population control program, which is no force to use condom or vasectomy campaign. In contrast, using reproductive contraception tend to women. Women are under pressure to do the government policy. The government wants to reduce the poverty but women did not have a choice to determine their own ways themselves. Most in patriarchal society, women work in the factory, they make money but the money goes to their family. Women become an asset for their family until they get married, become ‘property’ of their husband after married, and desperate poor women after divorce.

Bridge the Gender Gap

All of examples describe that women become an object, they are not subject of development, and women less bargaining position. It result the gender gap in development. Solving the gender gap problem in development seems not easy, but at least we have to create breakthroughs to reduce the gender gap. No matter in matrilineal or patriarchal society, some changes should be happen through increase land right in reformation of law. On the top of that is to change government and people’s mindset that still trapped by patriarchal society idea, by raising gender awareness through training the policy makers. After they get training, hope they can give more opportunities to women become a decision makers, in hoping these female legislators will concern with women’s issue. Then hope that government gives opportunities and choices for women as an agent of social change, thus women not as an object anymore but subject of development.

Conclusion

Un-neutral development causes the gender gap that marginalized women. Women become an object of development program. Bridging the gender gap through raising gender awareness and educated the decision makers who trapped by patriarchal society’s mindset are significant to change their mindset. It is hope education and training will generates them with gender awareness. It also hopes the decision makers provide more opportunities and choices to women. Then they bring women as agent of social change and become subject in the development.


References;
Agarwal, Bina (1994) A Field of One’s Own gender and Land rights in South Asia. New York, CambridgeUniversity Press.

Agarwal, Bina, (1997), Bargaining and Gender Relation Within and Beyond the Household, in Feminist Economics 3 (1), Journal article, p1-51

Blackwood, Evelyn, (1993), Webs of Power Women, Kin, and Community in A Sumatran Village, New York, Rowman & Littelfield Publisher, Inc.

Hartmann, Betsy, (without year), “The Indonesian “Success” and the Kenyan “Failure”, in reproductive Rights and Wrongs, The Global Politics of Population Control, Boston, Massachusetts, South End Press

Sanday, Peggy Reeves, (2002), Women at the Center, Life in a Modern Patriarchy. Ithaca, NY; Cornell University Press.


Sen, Amartya ,(without year), Development:Which Way Now? in Wilber, Charles K and Jameson P.Kenneth The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment , new York, McGraw-Hill, Inc.

Sen, Amartya ,(1990), Gender and Cooperative Conflicts in Persistent Inequalities, Women and World Development, edited by Irene Tinker, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press,

[1] Sen, Amartya , Development:Which Way Now? in Wilber, Charles K and Jameson P.Kenneth The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment , new York, McGraw-Hill, Inc. p. 21
[2] Sen, Amartya, Gender and Cooperative Conflicts in Persistent Inequalities, Women and World Development, edited by Irene Tinker, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press, p.122
[3] Ibid, p.132-133
[4] Agarwal, Bina A Field of One’s Own gender and Land rights in South Asia. New York, CambridgeUNiversity Press, p.70
[5] Sanday, Peggy Reeves Women at the Center, Life in a Modern Patriarchy. Ithaca, NY; Cornell University Press p 27

[6] Blackwood, Evelyn, Webs of Power Women, Kin, and Community in A Sumatran Village, New York, Rowman & Littelfield Publisher, Inc p.132

Women and Partition in India; victimization of women

1. Introduction

Freedom is important for the dignity and honor of people. It is important that a country to show other people and other countries that they have power and the ability to bargain to become independent. In the case of India, freedom became the people’s desire after hundreds of years under British rule. Though freedom can be hard to achieve, Indian history shows that the Indian people wanted freedom persistently. This persistence can be seen through the political action that the Indian people engaged in, including Gandhi and his non-violent movement known as ‘swadeshi’ or ‘satyagraha’. This movement helped to bring the Indian independence in 1947.

Like other countries in the world, violence, it seems cannot stay away from the process of reaching the. During that time, some hostilities were facing the Indian people who were struggling to fulfill their desire for political freedom. Unfortunately, that violence was close to women and they were afflicted by the riot situation directly. They became victims of kidnapping and rape. Women were separated from their families, parents and even their religion. Many women have very bad experiences and were still in a traumatic condition for several years after the partition happened. It was clear that the process of partition itself never gave the chance to the Indian people including Hindu, Muslim and Sikh to accomplish the partition peacefully.

During the partition, people from different religions fought each other. No one knows exactly what caused the fighting. The war brought people to madness and no one was responsible for the situation. In this essay I will describe the background of Indian’s partition and how women were involved as victims during the partition process. I also discuss why women became targets for violence during this period and the recovery for abducted women after partition.

2. Background of Partition

There are some reasons for the partition of India and Pakistan, these include the role of census, the legacy of reform, the politics of language, the Lahore resolution of Muslim league, and the electoral success of Muslim League.1 The British administration used the role of census to create separate identity between Hindu and Muslim. Every ten year the census role identified Indian people by their religion. Another reason is the politics of language. There were two languages, Hindi as the dominant language and Urdu the marginalized language. The political situation in India during 1940s brought about the Muslim league wanting to become a separate nation. Jinnah the leader of the Muslim League called for the establishment of Pakistan as an independent country. The historian G.D. Khosla states ; “The Muslim demand for Pakistan was based on the idea that Hindus and Muslim constitute two separate nations, each entitled to a separate and exclusive homeland where they would be free to develop their culture, tradition, religion and polity”.2

With regard to this issue, the British government through Lord Mounbatten as the viceroy and governor general of India announced the partition. Finally, on August 14, 1947 the partition become official3. Thus, the desire to create a separate area between the Muslim and Hindu community instigated British effort to divided the area into India and Pakistan as independent countries.

3. Victimization of Women

Following the partition, during 1947-1948 people traveled back and forth between the two areas extensively. People activity that crossed the border areas can be said as the longest migration history. Muslim people went to Pakistan and Hindu went to India. Since the partition, trains, and huge convoys full of refugees have traveled in both directions. During the trip, many people were killed, especially men, meanwhile women and girls were kidnapped and raped, especially in border areas between the two new countries such as Punjab, Sind, and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The number of women who became victims throughout the partition of India-Pakistan were about 50,000 Muslim women in India and 33,000 non-Muslim women in Pakistan, most of them between 12 years old and 35 years old4.

Ironically, women became the victims of the violence within their society while their neighbors became their enemy. Prior to the partition, the three communities, Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs had lived together peacefully; they had the same goal and intention to achieve independence of India against the British. In contrast, during partition they came to fight one another, became rude and cruel especially to ‘their’ women. As described in ‘the Earth’ movie (that was we watched in the class on Wednesday February 8, 2006), the nanny of the Parsee family was a woman who took care Lenny, a daughter of this family. She was Hindu and one of the workers who worked for this Zoroastrian family too. Some men worked there too a gardener and a butcher. They came from different ethnic, backgrounds and religions, but worked for the same family and together as coworkers. However, the partition rendered Ice-Candy-Man, one of the workers in Parsee family betrayed the nanny and treat her violently. This Hindu woman became the victim of her circumstances.
Other sordid tales about victimization of women can be seen in ‘Cracking India’. A novel written by Sidhwa, bout what happened during the partition. One part of this novel, page 159, described the Ice-Candy-Man reports to his friend that a train from Gudaspur has arrived in Lahore filled with murdered Muslim. Ice-Candy-Man shouts, “Everyone is dead. Butchered. They are all Muslim. There are no young women among the dead! Only two gunny-bags full of women’s breast!”5.

Another form of ill-treatment toward women during the partition can be seen from Miridulla Sarabhai’s story, a woman who worked as a chief social worker for recovering women, she recounts one Sikh man, Dr.Virsa Singh who was known in Amritsar for murdering many women during the partition in order to preserve their honor. “Versa Singh claimed he had shot 50 women personally. First, he shot his own wife because the Muslim came to get them. Once he had done this, all the women in the neighborhood gathered around saying, ‘Viran, pehle mannu maar, pehle mannu maar, (brother, kill me first).6

The examples above clearly portray that the difference of ethnicities and religions after the partition have turned many women into victimis. Unbelievably, women became the real victims, subjugated by the riot situation.

4. Why Women Become Object of Violence?
Hindu, Muslim and Sikh’s society believe women are symbols of the dignity of the state. If something bad happens to the women, it would ruin the community. Because of this mindset in the community, women, especially their bodies become targets for their enemy to destroy. A woman’s body is an opportunity for revenge during the partition. Therefore, kidnap, rape, sexual abuse and other defilements of women within these societies during partition were common. As a symbol of the macro community or state and nation, women’s dishonor was linked to the nation, race and country. Because of this concept in the community, men did not consider women as human beings who deserve respect as well; women were just a symbol and tools for more important things including the nation or state.

Related to killing their women themselves like Virsa Singh’s case, it seems to me that women were seen as property of the family. If the family could not protect their property from the enemy, it would be better to annihilate ‘their property’ (or their women) by killing them. I think it is a sort of paradoxical phenomenon, because women have no choice to do what they want to do. They have to follow the family’s rule and for the sake of family’s honor, women have to sacrifice themselves, including suicide or being killed by their relatives.

Violence, rape, and the killing of women are common in war and in madness people situation. However, after the war and riot situations are over, women are still in a subordinate condition and dealing with the calamity and the bad experiences that they had. Fortunately, in the case of partition of India, both India and Pakistan government made an agreement to the recovery and the restoration of the women who were victimized during the partition.

5. Women Recovery and the Problems
The recovery program for women, who had been abducted and forcibly converted during the partition process, involved both the governments of India and Pakistan. Their governments, bureaucrats, Member of Parliament and social workers participated in the recovery of their women through restoring the women to their original homes and provided shelters, ‘ashram’ and orphan houses.7

The recovery program was practiced for several years, from 1948 to 1957. Over 30,000 of the total 150, 000 women who were abducted during the partition had been recovered by 19578. From this data, we can see that it was about one-third of the women who were abducted had been recovered successfully; it also shows that the recovery program is not easy. Some women refuse the recovery program because they think that this program just bring them to the other problems. Many cases are found that a woman who had been abducted during the partition process married a man who had a different religion from her after the partition. Consequently, the women converted their religion to follow their husband. Then the partition program forced them to go back to their original area but many women refused that. The strong resistance to return to their country as quoted from Mridula Sarabhai:
“You say abduction is immoral and so you are trying to save us. Well now it is too late. One marries only once—willingly or by force. We are now married-What are you going to do with us? Ask us to get married again? Is that immoral? What happened to our relatives when we were abducted? Where were they…? “.9

This statement describes that women have changed their life after partition. They accept their fate far away from their original families after they were abducted, married, and converted to other religions. They do not want to go back to their root culture. Another problem during recovery also afflicted the women who had been distressed with bad experiences. Women cannot revive effectively because of cultural obstacles such as patriarchal system tied people’s mindset that it also influences the recovery of women. It seems that the different cultures determine women during recovering. Marrying by a Muslim man or Hindu man, then living in a new place has different impacts on the women. When they married a Muslim man, there is an impact on their children who their children who cannot be recognized as ‘pure’ Hindu. The culture systems in Hindu society that separates class based on the caste system have marginalized children who were born from a non-Hindu’s father.

This system puts women in a difficult situation. Another example of women in a difficult condition is pregnant women who came from the Hindu community when abortion became legal (at that time was illegal). Woman who have children with Muslim has to abort their unborn baby or leave their children in order to be acceptable in their root family. The children are put in an ‘orphan’ house and children are treated as ‘child war’ in Ashram. This is sort of dilemma of women who have to separate from their child after they got bad experiences. This phenomenon forces women to suffer because women were facing the choice that is hard to choose. As mentioned by Damyati Sahgal;
“As time went on, the process of recovery became more and more difficult, apparently the greatest hurdle in the way of forcible recovery was the women’s reluctance to leave their children……Special homes were then set up where unwilling persons could be housed and given time to make up their minds without fear of pressure” 10.

Meanwhile women who marry a Muslim man seems to have few problems, Muslim men married to Hindu women without considering caste. For this reason, there is no cultural obstacle in Muslim community after partition, thus it seems to make sense that the total number of Muslim women recovered was significantly higher, about 20,728 as against 9,032 non-Muslim 11.

6. Conclusion

The partition forces women to become victims of the riot situation. Women felt dislocation and lost their dignity because of sexual abuse and abduction. The abuse women experienced during the partition also demonstrated that women were property, women belonged to their family and were not considered as human beings as well. Women tied down by the cultural obstacles within their community through patriarchal system. Even during recovery, women have suffered from their bad experiences in the past. Men came back from the war as heroes while, after the war and riots, women’s existence seemed to hold no meaning and they remain in the calamity all the time.

Referrences;

Bhasin, A.S, Some reflections on the Partition of India 1947; Mapping Histories essays presented to Ravinder Kumar. India, Tulika (2000), pp 255- 279.

Butalia, Urvashi The other side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, Delhi (1989), Chapter 4: “Women’, pp 81-129.

Khosla, G.D.Stern Reckoning: a survey of the events leading Up To and Following the Partition of India. Delhi:Oxford University Press, 1989, p.129

Menon, Ritu & Bhasin, Kamla (1993); “Abducted Women, the State, and Question of Honor, Three perspective on the recovery operation in Post Partition India” Working Paper Series: Gender relations Project, Australia

Pennebaker, Mattie Katherine. “The Will of men; Victimization of Women during India’s partition.” Agora No.1, issues I (summer 2000).


1 Gupta, Charu. Lecture in Class, 2/8/06. “Women and Partition in India,”
2 Khosla, G.D.Stern Reckoning: a survey of the events leading Up To and Following the Partition of India. Delhi:Oxford University Press, 1989, p.129

3 Bhasin, A.S, Some reflections on the Partition of India 1947 in . Mapping Histories essays presented to Ravinder Kumar. India, Tulika (2000), pp 255

4 Menon, Ritu & Bhasin, Kamla (1993); “Abducted Women, the State, and Question of Honor, Three perspective on the recovery operation in Post Partition India” Working Paper Series: Gender relations Project, Australia. Pp 6.
5 Pennebaker, Mattie Katherine. “The Will of men; Victimization of Women during India’s partition.” Agora No.1, issues I (summer 2000), pp 8
6 Pennebaker, Op cit. p.10
7 Butalia, Urvashi The other side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, Delhi (1989), Chapter 4: “Women’, pp 125.

8 . Gupta, Lecture in Class, 2/8/06, “Women and Partition of India”
9 Menon, Ritu & Bhasin, Kamla (1993); “Abducted Women, the State, and Question of Honor, Three perspective on the recovery operation in Post Partition India” Working Paper Series: Gender relations Project, Australia, p.12
10 Butalia, Urvashi The other side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, Delhi (1989), Chapter 4: “Women’, p.123.

11 Menon, Ritu & Bhasin, Kamla (1993); “Abducted Women, the State, and Question of Honor, Three perspective on the recovery operation in Post Partition India” Working Paper Series: Gender relations Project, Australia, p.13

Achievements and Limitations of Women’s Movement in India

I. Introduction
Women’s movement in India can be seen in a wide ranging ways. They created organization and were linked to the freedom movement against British rule in Indian nationalist movement. They struggle against women’s problem including rape, domestic abuse the right for equal pay, and the right to better health, education and inheritance. The movement highlight that women in India have been involved in the public sphere and issues of women’s right since long time.

The participation of women in the public sphere before and after gaining independence is slightly contradictory with the image portrayed by Western people that those women in South Asia tend to play traditional role as women doing the activities in domestic sphere only. They are often portrayed as women who do the housework, devoted, and self-sacrified.
Women’s movement in colonial India had strong links with nationalist movement. The participation of women in India’s freedom struggle has significant, especially in Gandhi’s movement. After gaining independence, women’s movement in the early freedom still contributed to recovery women who become a victim in partition. Then they are also involved in political arena. Nowadays, women issues including dowry, sati, illiterate, rape, and domestic violence have become triggers to make the movement gaining in equality and against discrimination of women.

However, their movement related to the custom and religion that was attached to the way of thinking of the Indian society. This condition sometimes makes women’s movement become limited. In this paper, I will describe the achievements and limitations of women’s movement in India; I am going to discuss the dynamic of women’s movement in India through women’s association, women’s organizations, and women’s participation in India’s freedom for struggle and post independence. I will study the type of social movement that women brought during their movement. I also will discuss the limitation and obstacle during their movement.


II. Women’s Movement in Colonial India

A. The Emerge of Women’s Association

The existence of women’s organizations is basic of women’s movement, because women’s organization is an instrument to see and analyze a women’s movement. In the case of India, before India gain independent, women’s associations in small group started as an embryo of women’s organization that formed by men within their families and communities[1].
Some examples of women’s association including in Bengal found by Keshub Chandra Sen, the charismatic leader of the Brahmo Samaj. He formed new association for women of their families through develop educational programs, a women’s journal and prayer meeting. Then, there was Arya Mahila Samad in Bombay for the general uplift and enlightenment of women that has goal to bring women in the public world to help during emergencies such as food, famine and plagues[2]. In the Parsee community, there was women’s association known as Stri Zarthosti Mandal (Parsee Women’s Circle). This association had emerged within a-Mr.Naoroji Patuck family. He set up class in his home. In 1903, fifty women enrolled the class, and then the class becomes an organization that has wide range activities in 1920 and 1930s[3]. Another association was Anjuman-e-Khawatin-e-e Islam (The Moslem Women Association) in the Punjab. By 1915, women of the Mian family were playing a leading role in the All Indian Muslim Women’s conference[4].
Those women’s associations were founded by men and are in small scale and local context. The reasons men create the associations for women because some of men who called as reformers feeling deeply touched by the poverty suffered by women[5]. The men’s ideas were brought women to the public work, found good education and can help people who under disaster struck. They hope that women who involve in women’s associations could run their household by having educated and modernized women who are also familiar with social field and charitable area.
B. Women’s Organization and Their Achievements
Realizing that women’s associations have limitation to take action and propose solution about women’s problem, women activists identified that they need permanent association for progressing of women in India. They started to think an organization that concern and discuss the women’s issues was important. They formed women’s organizations in national scale. It means that its scale larger than women associations.
After World War I, there were three major organizations[6]; the Women’s Indian Association (WIA), the National Council of Women in India (NCWI), and the All-India Women’s Conference (AIWC). These organizations emerged between 1917 and 1927. The WIA[7], born in 1917 in Madras, covered members mostly from the Tamil Madar Sangan (Tamil Ladies Association) and had joint with British women in forming the National Indian Association to promote female education. Member of the WIA’ opens to both Indians and Europe. The first presidents of WIA were Annie Bessant and Margaret Cousins, and secretaries were Mrs.Malati Patwardhan, Mrs.Ammu Swaminathan. The WIA competed for women’s attention with the self-respect movement. The self-respect movement had a larger agenda than women’s right; its goal was to establish a society from the domination of the priestly caste, with justice and equality for all human beings. WIA had monthly journal, Stri Dharma, published in English, including article about women published both in Hindi and in Tamil. The second organization, NCWI[8] was a national branch of the International Council of Women. The members of NCWI were women of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta who have network for their various club and association to the International council of women. NCWI led by Mehribai Tata from the Parsee family. The organization’s activities related to educated women and high-class women in upper caste.
AIWC is the most influential women’s organization in women’s movement in India at that time. The AIWC, found in 1927, had large number of member until 25,000 in 1945. At the first, AIWC concerned to women education issues, the movement to get equal education to the women, then, was getting bigger issues to give women opportunities to become doctors, professors and lawyers and other social issues[9]. The achievement of these organizations can be seen when they elevate the women’s issues including education, social and legal reform. The most important of their movement become particular victories of women’s movement was ‘Child Marriage Reform Act 1929’, struggle against purdah and the campaign for women suffrage (Forbes, 1981)[10].


C. Women in Indian’s Freedom Struggle

Women in India have participated in Indian’s freedom struggle before achieving independent in 1947. Women’s movement seemed parallel with the emergence of Indian nationalism including the non-cooperation movement known as Gandhi’s movement. The involvement of women in Indian’s freedom struggle can be seen when women also supported the ‘Swadeshi’ movement. As Forbes wrote; in 1905, the British partitioned the province of Bengal that women joined men in protesting this division by boycotting foreign goods and buying only ‘Swadeshi’ goods, that is goods produce in the province of Bengal[11].
Furthermore, Swadeshi’s vow that promoted by Gandhi located all around India. As Gandhi traveled and spoke. He urged women to boycott foreign cloth, spin, and goods. Women who met Gandhi and listen to his speech took off their jewelry immediately and raise donation up to Rs20,000 for supporting the India independency struggle[12]. Another form of women’s movement can be seen when woman decided to have their own political organization known as Rashtriya Stree Sangha (RSS)[13]. RSS was found in 1921 and had risen in Satyagraha atmosphere in which women’s role in public sphere supported by Gandhi to more active in his movement. The members of RSS were required to joint the District Congress Committee. The Bengali Congress leader; C,.R. Das urged women to be ready to leave their home to serve the country. By November 1921, 1,000 Bombay women were demonstrating against the Prince of Wales’s visit to India[14]. In this point, it can be seen that women make some activities outside, in the public sphere in order to against the British administration.
Previously, nationalist movement in India has a spirit known as ‘Bande Mataram’, (Hail to the Motherland). This is a symbol of awakening of the nation, and it is linking the womanhood with nationalism. The large participation of women can be seen through protest demonstration and supported Gandhi’s movement. Gandhi believed that non-violent resistance to British rule is suitable for women compare to men as that required moral courage and determination more than sheer physical strength[15]. Gandhi immediately recognized the value of having women form picket line in order against the British rule. For instance, the arrest of respectable women was viewed as an appropriate tactic to shame men into joining the protest against British[16]. The women’s movement went together until Independent achieve in 1947. Therefore, it can be said that the achievement to become Independent country were contributed by women’s role.

III. Women’s Movement in Post Colonial

Women ’s movements in post colonial continue on some various issues but the movement committed fighters for a better, and safer for women. In this part, I divide the women’s movement including women’s activities during recovery partition, Telangana movement, involve in political arena and current issues about violence,
A. Involve in Recovery after Partition
After gaining the independence in 1947, the appearance of women’s movement in the early freedom still contributed to recovery women who became a victim in partition. The partition between India and Pakistan caused large number of women suffered from this condition; it was about 50,000 Muslim women in India and 33,000 non-Muslim Women in Pakistan between 12 years old and 35 years old were abducted[17].
The Indian and Pakistan government took responsible to recovery the women who become victims[18]. However, the government effort needed help from the other social worker organizations. In the case of restoration of women who victimized; women being kidnapped and raped during partition, a woman activist, Mridula Sarabhai played important role. As a social worker, Mridula led to support women, recovery of adducted women in a various activities including giving moral support and spirit to the women[19]. She organized and did special treatment in recovering the women who abducted during partition. Her efforts in recovering women raise a high debate between people and official of India and Pakistan. However, Gandhi appreciated with her job, as he said; “If I had a hundred women like Mridula, I could bring about revolution in India”[20],
B. Telangana Movement
Telangana movement in 1948 was a women’s movement in Hyderabad state that promoted by peasant women who struggled for their land, for better wage, abolition of vetti and against exorbitant interested on grain and cash loans[21]. It can be said that the Telangana Movement a revolutionary tradition among the Telugu people in terms of struggling for land right and leads to land reform. This movement involved in huge number of women to pressure the landlord and struggle against cultural dominant.
C. Women in Political Arena
During 1960s to 1970s, some women’s organizations associated with political party. Thus, women’s activist who growth in women’s organization, that affiliated with political party automatically, join in the political field. Many prominent feminist were involved in congress party and government. For instance, All India Democratic of Women Association (AIDWA) affiliates with wings communist party (CPI), and AIWC associated with Congress to the newer Mahila Dakshata Samiti formed as a women’s wing of the Janata Party in 1978[22]. Women’s movements lifted issue such as price raise, sati and syahbano. In this era, some woman’s activists were also form autonomy women’s organization and grass root organization that not affiliated with any political party known as Non-Government Organization (NGO) that occurred because of the women’s issue become international attention[23].
Thus, there are two types of women’s organization with different ways in making movements in India; autonomy organization and affiliate organization. The women’s activists who promote autonomy organization believe that the reason why they make autonomy organization because the party affiliates with women’s organization does not give many opportunities to the women to become a leader and ignore women’s issues, and seen as hierarchical and non-democratic. Thus, independent organization is better. In contrast, the women’s activists who affiliate argue that autonomy is somewhat difficult to reach more women to become their member, incapable of mobilizing mass, mainly middle-class leadership, and rather than become marginalized organization is better to affiliate.
D. Women and Current Issue
Violence against women is a high issue since 1980s. In Bombay some autonomy women’s organization in 1981 formed forum against oppression of women that took up issue of rape (Police and custodial rape), dowry death and harassment of women commuters. The women’s Centre in Bombay, had provide legal help and counseling to women in need[24].
Another current issues of women’s movement are uniform civil code, event still separate, very unclear split and need more attention that more concern to women welfare and equality. The effort to put 33 % quota women in parliament is still become high issue too.
IV. The Limitation of Women’s Movement
A. Limitation before Independent
During colonial India, women’s movement frame in women’s association followed by forming women’s organization. Both of them have some limitations. Even though men gave an opportunity to women and have a goal to ‘empower’ women through formed women’s associations, it seems that their main goal was to help men to run the household with modern style like English middle class. It could be happen because of India at that time under British administration rule. Thus, Indian’s men were somewhat influenced by British lifestyle, especially the men in the middle and upper class. It can be seen also through movie that we watched in the class in January 25, “The Home and the World”. The movie described that the husband who came from noble family wanted his wife to become modern women, and then he gave her opportunities to do activities outside. However, it seemed that there was a mistake, because the wife betrayed him.
Other limitations of women’s associations was formed by men tend to create women in a social work only, not involve in political arena. There was no other ways to create women’s organization by women itself in order to give opportunities to the women to do activities in unlimited field in the public sphere.
The women’s organizations mostly performed by the women in upper caste. Even though they made movement and struggled for female education, social and legal reform issues. It seems that the advantage of the women’s organization just limited to the women in the middle and upper class, contradict with women in lower caste who were not many opportunities to involve in the women’s organization. It is because they were not member of organization and because of caste system. Thus, women in the middle class who became member of organization have benefit for learning how to manage organization and its structure, gaining knowledge about the current issue and political world as they made activities in outside of their house. In general, they got experience during they doing activities in public, as they became member of organization. Unfortunately, these experiences were untouchable by women in lower class.
B. Limitation after Independent
After gaining independence, women’s movements still have limitation. There is a dichotomy between women activist in running their organizations. On one hand, they choose politically affiliate and on another hand, they prefer to autonomy organization. The split of women’s activist and women’s organization is a kind of phenomenon that describes the political system in India is still male dominated and operate hierarchy system. The politicians are not really support women’s activist in many opportunities to put women on the top position and somewhat ignore women’s issues.
It can be understood that the religion, cultural systems that operate caste system in Indian society clearly operate patriarchal system. Therefore, people’s mindset is trapped by the patriarchy’s idea in all aspects of their life. Women’s activist still find obstacles when they are doing their activities to deal with some women issues. The struggle is still going one for women’s activists to reach the gender equality, release the oppression in the social, economic, political and cultural space.

V. Discussion

In order to understand the pattern of social phenomena, such as women’s movement, and to find the correlation between what happened in the past and what is encountered today, studying social movements is important. According to McCarthy and Zald [25], a social movement is defined as “a set of opinion and beliefs in a population representing preferences for changing some elements of social structures or reward distribution or both of society,” Here, the motivation for the movement rests on an expectation of making a change in society. The women’s movement in India describes the participation of women in protest to make a change in society, to give a better life for women.
To analyze any social movement, the first question to examine is how the movement emerged. The movement can be described by three main theories in social movement: Political Opportunities, Framing Process and Resource Mobilization[26]. In a more detail, McAdam and McCarthy explain that Political Opportunities theorists explore the explanation for the movement in the structural level[27]. They argue that since structural conditions constraint the individual consciousness and there is a change in political structure, it possible to create movement. In the case of women’s movement in India, the political situation during British rule had caused them to involve in nationalist movement. In the early independent, women involved as social workers in recovery victim of partition and some women activists involved in congress and government.
Framing process theory describes about collective action of people, that is, why and how individuals come to participate in a movement[28]. One example of women’s movement that using framing process theory can be seen in Telangana movement. Many women participate collectively against the inequality in terms of land right.
Regarding resources mobilization approach, the emergence of social movements is related to mobilization in structural level or organizations. As stated by Zald and McCarthy, “the resources mobilization approach emphasizes both societal support and constraint of social movement phenomena. [29]. In the case of women’s movement in India, resources mobilization is important issues, it can be seen through the different types or organization; one is politically affiliate, this organization easier to find the resource such as member of organization, and creating mobilization. The second one is autonomy organization that prefer to more independent. The leader of this organization from middle class, play in grass root level and seems difficult to catch up many member and make mobilization because they have limitation in resource mobilization.
Conclusion
Women’s movements in India can be seen before and after independent. This movement resemble of the political opportunities, resources mobilization theory and mobilizing structure too. The movement is also have achievements in different field including political arena, social welfare and legal issue such as Child Marriage Reform Act 1929, campaign against Purdah and women’s suffrage. The limitation of women’s movement caused by patriarchal system that tied people’s mindset in India. The caste system is also limited women in getting opportunities, especially in India colonial era. Right now, women’s movements are struggling for justice and equality.

@selinaswati




Bibliography
Forbes, Geraldine, “Women Modern India”, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996.
Gupta, Charu, Lecture in Class, Wednesday, March 22, 2006
John D, and Zald, Mayer N, (1987) “Resources Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory,” American Journal of Sociology 82, 6 (May 1997): 12-41. Reprinted in Zald, Mayer N, and John D. McCarthy, eds. Social Movements in an organizational Society, Collected Essays, New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, Inc.

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[1] Forbes, Geraldine, The emergence of Women’s Organizations in “Women Modern India”, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p 65.

[2] Forbes, op cit. p.66
[3] Forbes, op cit, p.67
[4] Forbes op cit 68
[5] Ibid, P.68
[6] Forbes, op cit. p.72
[7] Forbes op cit P.72-75
[8] Forbes op cit P.75-78
[9] Forbes, op cit. p.80
[10] Ray, Raka, notes of z”Women’s Movement and Political Fields” in Field of Protest, Women’s Movement in India, University of Minnnesota Press, London, 1999, P 179
[11] Forbes, Geraldine, Women in Nationalist movement in “Women Modern India”, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p 123.
[12] Ibid, p.128.
[13] Ibid, p.126.
[14] Ibid, p126.
[15] Mody, Nawaz B, (eds), “Women in Indian’s Freedom Struggle”, Allied Publishers Ltd, Mumbai, 2000, p.51
[16] Forbes, Women in the Nationalist Movement, “Women in Modern India” Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p 127.

[17] Menon, Ritu & Bhasin, Kamla (1993); “Abducted Women, the State, and Question of Honor, Three perspective on the recovery operation in Post Partition India” Working Paper Series: Gender relations Project, Australia. Pp 6.
[18] Ibid, p.18
[19] Ibid, p.18
[20] Mody, Nawaz B, (eds), “Women in Indian’s Freedom Struggle”, Allied Publishers Ltd, Mumbai, 2000, p.135

[21] Sangari & Said (eds) “Recasting women, Essay in Indian Colonial History”, Rutgers University Press, New Jersey, USA, p.188
[22] Katzenstein, May Faindsond, Organizing Against Violence: Strategies of the Indian Women’s Movement, Pacific Affairs, Vol.62.No.1 (Spring, 1998), p.55
[23] Gupta, Lecture in Class, Wednesday, March 22, 2006
[24] Katzenstein, May Faindsond, Organizing Against Violence: Strategies of the Indian Women’s Movement, Pacific Affairs, Vol.62.No.1 (Spring, 1998), p.57

[25] McCarthy, John D, and Zald, Mayer N, (1987) “Resources Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory,” p.1
[26] Mc.Adam, Doug, MaCarthy,J.D, and Zald M.N (1996). “Introduction, Opportunities, Mobilizing Structure, and Framing Processes toward a Synthetic, Comparative Perspective on Social Movement,” Comparative Perspective on Social Movements; p.2
[27] Ibid. p.3
[28] Ibid, p.5
[29] Ibid p.4